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Ford brass lined up to buy Mustang anniversary editionBill Ford gets number one. Much of the leadership team at Ford are ordering limited edition 50th anniversary Mustangs.Post to FacebookFord brass lined up to buy Mustang anniversary edition 

 Bill Ford gets number one. Much of the leadership team at Ford are ordering limited edition 50th anniversary Mustangs.


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By Alisa Priddle, Detroit Free Press Ford Executive Chairman Bill Ford reveals the 50-Year Limited Edition Mustang for 2015.(Photo: Sam VarnHagen/Ford)Story HighlightsBill Ford gets No.1. Nobody is a bigger fan than Bill Ford.Ford is only making 1,964 of the Mustang 50-Year Limited Edition models that are based on the GT coupe.&We're a car nut dealership and we're very excited,& said Russ Milne of Russ Milne Ford in Macomb Township.
TWEETEMAILMOREBill Ford gets the first one. CEO Mark Fields is near the top of the list and Joe Hinrichs, Ford president of the Americas, is also in line. Mustang engineer Dave Pericak is thrilled to learn he will get No.8.You don't have to be a high-ranking Ford executive to get a 2015 Mustang 50-Year Limited Edition, but it helps."This vehicle is personal to people," said Steve Ling, North American marketing manager. "Some of the biggest fans are within the company and it is great that the leadership is so interested.""Bill Ford gets No. 1," Ling said. "Nobody is a bigger (Mustang) fan."Ford is only making 1,964 of the exclusive models that are based on the GT coupe and offered in Kona Blue or the original Wimbledon White of the first Mustang sold in April 1964. They have the 5-liter V8 and the performance pack with the option of a 6-speed manual or a 6-speed automatic transmission.There are also unique 19-inch wheels, upgraded tires and brakes, more chrome and aluminum, swaths of cashmere in the interior and anniversary logos on seat backs and rear fascia, capped off with a numbered plaque on the passenger side.To allow more customers to celebrate Mustang's 50 years of continuous production, Ford is offering a $1,595 anniversary package on top trim levels of all but the base version. There's a corral around the grilled-mounted pony, chrome accents around the taillamps, 19-inch wheels and anniversary badging on the seats, the instrument panel and a faux gas cap on the back.The 2015 Mustang goes on sale this fall with an ad campaign set to start next month. Order banks opened in May for the fastback and in August for the convertible, said Melanie Banker, Mustang marketing manager.The 2015 Mustang goes on sale this fall with an ad campaign set to start next month. Order banks opened in May for the fastback and in August for the convertible, said Melanie Banker, Mustang marketing manager.&(Photo: Ford)"We're a car nut dealership and we're very excited," said Russ Milne of Russ Milne Ford in Macomb Township who owns a 2014 Shelby convertible. "There is huge interest in Mustang all the time. That's our poster child."His only complaint: southern dealers get cars first. He fears he won't have a full inventory until February or later. Milne was allotted one limited-edition Mustang and a Ford employee laid down a deposit immediately so it is already sold.Milne expects the new Mustang to sell well — including those powered by the new 2.3-liter turbocharged 4-cylinder engine. Milne scoffed when Ford first put smaller EcoBoost engines in the F-150 and Escape, but he's a convert now. The turbocharged family of engines outperform larger-displacement engines."As long as you don't look under the hood, you'll never even know," Milne said.Ling thinks the smaller engine "adds a different personality to Mustang." and should appeal to young buyers who like the better fuel economy.The 2015 Mustang will also be sold in Asia starting early next year, then in Europe.All versions, including the convertible due at the end of the year and right-hand-drive cars for export, will be built in Michigan at the Flat Rock assembly plant. If demand warrants, Ford can add a third shift, but a decision won't be made until the second half of 2015, Hinrichs said last month.As chief engineer, Pericak likes that so many Ford top brass love Mustangs. But their support did not mitigate the pressure to come up with a sixth-generation Mustang that set a higher bar while honoring its 50 years of history.Nair said when the Mustang team came together four years ago, "we knew it was a real challenge, especially on the 50th anniversary." It had to be the best looking, have the best features, attributes and also be the best driving, said Nair, who has a new GT with a manual transmission and the track pack.And it had to appeal to overseas customers buying their first Mustang."We went through a number of variations," said Chris Svensson, Ford design director.The 2015 model is lower and wider, with a longer hood and blunt nose. For discerning drivers, there is a standard independent rear suspension."The Boss 302 pushed the solid rear axle as far as anyone could," Pericak said. It was time to switch, and the new independent rear axle made it necessary to engineer a new front suspension as well.Increasing the engines' power in the 2015 model necessitated bigger and better brakes.The weight of the car increased from 12 to 87 pounds, depending on the model, Nair said.But in test drives in Los Angeles last week, the car did not feel heavier and the new suspension made for a stable and planted feel on twisting canyon roads. Even the 4-cylinder engine provided a spirited ride, which should dispel fears of giving up power for better fuel economy.For 2015, enhancements include more front passenger leg room with a small knee airbag that fits into the glovebox cover. The glovebox is now lockable and has a hidden compartment to stow the owner's manual.Cupholders have been moved further from the driver and the shifter is closer. Memory reclining seats are now standard so the driver does not have to re-set the seat every time. The trunk is larger.There is no more ignition key. All models have a push-button start.The Mustang offers a rear-view camera, blind-spot detection, and a selection of drive modes including normal, sport, wet snow and track, which change the timing of the gear shifts and steering response.Contact Alisa Priddle: 313-222-5394 or . Follow her on Twitter @AlisaPriddleChoose your ponyBase Mustang: starts at $24,425, including $825 destination charges. Powered by a 3.7-liter V6. 300 horsepower. 280 pound-feet of torque. 19 m.p.g. in city/28 on highway/22 combined.EcoBoost Mustang: starts at $24,425. 2.3-liter turbocharged 4-cylinder EcoBoost engine. 310 horsepower. 320 pound-feet torque. 21 m.p.g. in city/32 highway/25 combined.GT: 5-liter V8. 435 horsepower. 400 pound-feet of torque. 16 m.p.g. in city/25 highway/19 combined.Mustang 50-Year Limited Edition: $46,995.
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商品已成功添加到收藏夹！What’s Wrong With Europe? Cyprus Edition - The New Yorker
Another day in the long-running European debt crisis: in Nicosia, an ancient city in the eastern Mediterranean, the Cypriot parliament
the terms of a proposed European Union bailout of the country that levied a tax of up to ten per cent on all bank deposits. Out on the streets, thousands of protestors chant, jubilantly, “Cyprus belongs to its people.” Meanwhile, according to Faisal Islam, the economics editor at Britain’s Channel 4 News, the cabs from the local airport have been busy
wealthy Russians who are there trying to get their money out of the Cypriot banks.
No wonder a colleague of mine asked this morning: Why doesn’t Europe work like it did twenty years ago? How come it seems to be in constant crisis these days? The short answer is that, back then, the E.U. was a lot smaller than it is now, and it didn’t have a single currency. In 1993, there were just twelve members of what was then called the European Community, and, except for Greece, all of them were in Western Europe. Today, the E.U. stretches from the Atlantic to the Black Sea, and it contains twenty-seven countries, many of them very different from one another. Seventeen nations share the same currency, the euro, and one of them, unfortunately, is Cyprus.
While there are lots of causes of Europe’s debt crisis—irresponsible lending, inadequate regulation, a big real-estate bubble that eventually popped—the underlying one is that attempting to combine seventeen heterogeneous nations within one currency zone is an inherently challenging and dangerous venture. It creates problems for individual countries, which can no longer determine their own economic policies, and it ties the fate of the entire zone to what happens in small, peripheral places, such as Greece, Ireland, and, now, Cyprus.
If the E.U. hadn’t allowed Cyprus to adopt the euro in 2008, nobody except Cypriots and some rich Russians, who use the island as an offshore financial haven, would care much about the fate of its rickety banks. With a population of less than a million (there’s another three hundred thousand people living in Northern Cyprus, a Turkish enclave that considers itself an independent state), and an economy that accounts for less than half of one per cent of overall E.U. output, Cyprus is a mere speck in the Mediterranean. But because it’s part of the euro zone, what happens there could spill over into much larger and more significant countries, such as Spain and Italy, which are already struggling to overcome serious problems.
The Cyprus bailout, which was worked out in hastily-arranged talks in Brussels late last week, is necessary because many of the island’s banks are in terrible shape, and its economy has suffered badly from the troubles of neighboring Greece, its largest export market. Before the rescue was announced, there was legitimate concern that allowing the Cypriot banks to collapse might cause a run on troubled banks in Rome, Milan, and Madrid, as depositors and lenders in these places fretted that their institutions, too, would be allowed to fail. After the terms of the bailout were announced, the fears of contagion didn’t go away: they intensified. For the first time since the crisis began, back in 2010, the European authorities (together with the International Monetary Fund) had forced individual bank depositors to bear some of the costs of cleaning up the mess. While this sounded like a good idea to politicians in places like Holland and Germany, which have borne much of the cost of the bailouts, it appeared to raise the prospect of depositors in Spain and Italy being forced to swallow similar losses, thus giving them an incentive to get their money out now. On such logic, bank runs are constructed.
Most observers now agree that the E.U. and the I.M.F. made a disastrous error. Still, the idea of asking bank depositors to contribute something to the ten-billion-euro bailout wasn’t wholly insane. Most of the rescue money was being directed at Cypriot banks. In Europe, as in the United States, there is now widespread public opposition to bailing out financial institutions without asking their stakeholders—shareholders and bondholders—to take a hit. The problem facing the designers of the bailout was that Cypriot banks don’t issue many bonds—almost all the money they lend comes from deposits, many of which originate overseas. As a result, hitting up the depositors was the only way to raise a decent-sized financial contribution from the banks and those associated with them.
Ultimately, though, as a columnist at the Economist pointed out,
were “unfair, short-sighted, and self-defeating.” In punishing middle-income Cypriots as well as rich foreigners, the bailout inspired a political backlash that risks re-igniting the euro crisis at a moment when the greatest danger appeared to have passed. Since early last year, when Mario Draghi, the Italian-born chairman of the European Central Bank, pledged to do whatever was necessary to save the euro, fears of all-out collapse have receded. Under Draghi’s leadership, and over the objections of Germany’s central bank,
the E.C.B. has lent money to troubled commercial banks hand over fist (just like the Fed did during the U.S. financial crisis) and it has pledged to make unlimited purchases of sovereign debt from countries like Spain and Italy should such actions prove necessary. As a result of these measures, the yields on Spanish and Italian bonds have fallen substantially. But in the past couple of days, they’ve risen again, and local stock markets have fallen sharply—a sell-off that is likely to intensify on Wednesday morning.
After all Europe has been through in the past three years, I
doubt very much that its leaders will allow tiny Cyprus to bring the whole thing crashing down. By rejecting the terms of the bailout, the Cypriot parliamentarians have effectively called the bluff of Germany, Europe’s dominant power, which insisted on imposing harsh terms. Now, Angela Merkel, the German chancellor, needs to step in. During the coming days, she or her representatives will have to broker a compromise that prevents the banks in Cyprus from collapsing, reduces the levies on deposits (particularly for small savers), and elicits contributions toward the cost of the bailout in other ways—quite likely ones that punish offshore depositors, the Russians included, even more. In the meantime, there may well be more drama, and more turbulence in the markets.
In Europe, as in the United States, that’s how things work these days. Absent a blow-up in the markets, nothing much gets done. When the markets are calm, as they have been this year, the politicians slip off the leash and respond to their own constituencies. In Germany in particular, that means balking at handing over more money to southern Europeans, whom many Germans consider shiftless, and to countries that have turned their banks into parking garages for the capital of rich Russians, whom Germans see as tax evaders. Cypriot protestors are holding up signs calling Merkel a bank robber. To many residents of Bavaria and Rhineland-Westphalia, she is merely being responsible.
As I said, I think they’ll ev they usually do. Ever since the euro was created, in 1999, skeptics in the United States and Britain have been predicting its demise. For all Europe’s troubles, the currency is still going strong. (On Tuesday, it was worth about $1.29, about twenty per cent more than its value ten years ago.) But that doesn’t mean Europe is working well. It isn’t. For more than four years now, its economy has been languishing badly. In the fourth quarter of 2012, the output of the euro zone and it might well drop again in the first quarter of this year.
With some countries, such as Italy, Portugal, and Spain, trapped in depression-style slumps, the entire continent is calling out for a stimulus package of the sort the Obama Administration introduced in 2009. Without an injection of demand, there is no prospect of the most stricken regions rebounding of their own accord. But despite the fact that even the mighty German economy is now contracting, Merkel is
to countenance a stimulus. With a parliamentary election scheduled for September, she’s more interested in portraying herself as a prudent Prussian housewife than a Keynesian savior.
That complicates things. The euro zone won’t survive an indefinite economic malaise—no political settlement could. Assuming it scrapes through the current crisis, and there’s really no reason it shouldn’t, its fate hinges much more on events in Germany than on what happens in places like Cyprus and Greece. In such an unwieldy multi-national structure, strong leadership is desperately needed. In the past couple of years, Draghi has shown some, and so, on occasion, has Merkel. But she needs to do more—a lot more.
Photograph by Patrick Baz/AFP/Getty
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