他试了好几次,但是试验机械哪里好还是以失败而告终 汉译英

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布鲁尼:民主党为何会一败涂地
更新时间: 18:32:17 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
The Democrats Screwed Up
布鲁尼:民主党为何会一败涂地
We geniuses in the news media spent only the last month telling you how Donald Trump was losing this election. We spent the last year telling you how the Republican Party was unraveling.
我们这些新闻媒体上的天才只是在最后一个月里说唐纳德o特朗普(Donald Trump)将如何输掉这次大选。在过去一年里,我们一直说的是共和党将如何瓦解。
And here we are, with the Democrats in tatters. You might want to think twice about our Oscar and Super Bowl predictions.
现在的情况是,我们和民主党人都陷入了窘境。下次听我们预测奥斯卡和超级碗的赢家时,你可能要再思量一下。
Despite all the discussion of demographic forces that doomed the G.O.P., it will soon control the presidency as well as both chambers of Congress and two of every three governor’s offices. And that’s not just a function of James Comey, Julian Assange and misogyny. Democrats who believe so are dangerously mistaken.
尽管大家都说从族群力量来看,共和党注定会失败,但他们不久将会占据总统职位、国会两院,以及三分之二的州长职位。这不仅仅是詹姆斯o科米(James Comey)、朱利安o阿桑奇(JulianAssange)和厌女症在起作用。有些民主党人以为是这样,这种误解很危险。
Other factors conspired in the party’s debacle. One in particular haunts me. From the presidential race on down, Democrats adopted a strategy of inclusiveness that excluded a hefty share of Americans and consigned many to a “basket of deplorables” who aren’t all deplorable. Some are hurt. Some are confused.
还有其他因素导致了民主党的惨败。其中一个让我特别困扰。从总统竞选一开始,民主党就采取了一种不包容的战略,将大量的美国人排除在外,把很多并不太可悲的人称为是“一群可悲的人”。这让有些人感觉很受伤。有些人觉得莫名其妙。
Liberals miss this by being illiberal. They shame not just the racists and sexists who deserve it but all who disagree. A 64-year-old Southern woman not onboard with marriage equality finds herself characterized as a hateful boob. Never mind that Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton weren’t themselves onboard just five short years ago.
自由主义者因为不自由而错过。他们羞辱的人不仅仅是活该被羞辱的种族主义者和性别歧视者,还有所有持不同意见的人。一个不支持婚姻平权的64岁南方女性,会被视为可恶的笨蛋。其实巴拉克o奥巴马(Barack Obama)和希拉里o克林顿(Hillary Clinton)自己在短短的五年前也没有支持婚姻平权。
Political correctness has morphed into a moral purity that may feel exhilarating but isn’t remotely tactical. It’s a handmaiden to smugness and sanctimony, undermining its own goals.
政治正确已经演变成了一种“道德纯粹”,感觉上它可能令人振奋,但非常缺乏策略。它是装模作样和虚假虔诚的仆人,破坏了它自己的目标。
I worry about my and my colleagues’ culpability along these lines. I plan to use greater care in how I talk to and about Americans more culturally conservative than I am. That’s not a surrender of principle or passion. It’s a grown-up acknowledgment that we’re a messy, imperfect species.
我担心我和我的同事们在这个方面犯了过失。我打算以后谈到文化上更保守的美国人时,以及对他们讲话时,要比现在更加谨慎一些。这不是牺牲原则,抛弃情怀。这是像一个成年人那样承认,我们是凌乱的、不完美的物种。
Donald Trump’s victory and some of the, yes, deplorable chants that accompanied it do not mean that a majority of Americans are irredeemable bigots (though too many indeed are). Plenty of Trump voters chose him, reluctantly, to be an agent of disruption, which they craved keenly enough to overlook the rest of him.
唐纳德o特朗普的胜利和一些可悲者的颂扬并不意味着大多数美国人是不可挽回的盲信者(虽然有太多人确实是)。特朗普的很多选民犹犹豫豫地选择他作为颠覆的代理人,他们对颠覆太过渴望,以至于大大忽视了特朗普的其余部分。
Democrats need to understand that, and they need to move past a complacency for which the Clintons bear considerable blame.
民主党人需要明白,他们需要消除一种自鸣得意的情绪,克林顿在这方面负有重大责任。
It’s hard to overestimate the couple’s stranglehold on the party — its think tanks, its operatives, its donors — for the last two decades. Most top Democrats had vested interests in the Clintons, and energy that went into supporting and defending them didn’t go into fresh ideas and fresh faces, who were shut out as the party cleared the decks anew for Hillary in 2016.
在过去20年里,克林顿夫妇对民主党及其智囊团、操作者、捐赠者有一种极强的锁定作用。大多数顶级民主党人都是克林顿夫妇当权的既得利益者,支持和捍卫他们的这股力量并没有接纳新的想法和新鲜面孔,当民主党2016年为希拉里再次竞争做准备的时候,这些新面孔就被刷掉了。
In thrall to the Clintons, Democrats ignored the copious, glaring signs of an electorate hankering for something new and different and instead took a next-in-line approach that stopped working awhile back. Just ask Mitt Romney and John McCain and John Kerry and Al Gore and Bob Dole. They’re the five major-party nominees before her who lost, and each was someone who, like her, was more due than dazzling.
被克林顿一家锁定之后,民主党人忽略了人们渴望新鲜、不同东西的诸多明显迹象,而是采取了“轮到下一个”的方法,这个方法已经有一段时间不灵了。只要问问米特o罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)、约翰o麦凯恩(John McCain)、约翰o克里(John Kerry)、艾尔o戈尔(Al Gore)和鲍勃o多尔(Bob Dole)就知道了。他们是在她之前输掉的五个主要提名人,而且每个人都像她一样,更加老沉而不是新鲜耀眼。
After Election Day, one Clinton-weary Democratic insider told me: “I’m obviously not happy and I hate to admit this, but a part of me feels liberated. If she’d won, we’d already be talking about Chelsea’s first campaign. Now we can do what we really need to and start over.”
在选举日之后,民主党内部一个对克林顿感到腻味的人对我说:“我显然不高兴,我讨厌承认这一点,但我也有一点解放了的感觉。如果她赢了,我们现在就已经在讨论切尔西的第一次竞选了。现在我们可以去做真正需要做的事情,重新开始。”
Obama, too, contributed to the party’s marginalization. While he threw himself into Hillary Clinton’s campaign, he was, for much of his presidency, politically selfish, devoting less thought and time to the cultivation of the party than he could — and should — have. By design, his brand was not its. Small wonder, then, that its fate diverged from his.
民主党的边缘化,奥巴马也脱不开干系。他的确深度参与了希拉里o克林顿(Hillary Clinton)的竞选,但在总统任期的大部分时间里,他在政治上很自私,他本能够、也本应在党的建设方面投入更多思想与时间。他的品牌和党的品牌是不一样的,这是有意安排的结果。那么,二者的命运分道扬镳也就不奇怪了。
He anointed Clinton over Joe Biden, though Biden had more charisma and a better connection with the white voters who ultimately supported Trump. Had Biden been the nominee, he probably would have won the Electoral College as well as the popular vote (which Clinton indeed got).
他选择克林顿作为自己的继承人,而不是乔o拜登(Joe Biden),虽然拜登人格魅力更大,和白人选民之间有更好的联系,正是这些白人选民最终选择了特朗普。如果拜登是被提名人,他有望既赢得选举人团,又赢得普选票(后者希拉里的确是赢了)。
And had Bernie Sanders been? Michael Bloomberg would almost certainly have jumped into the fray, sensing unoccupied territory in the political center, and an infinitely saner and more capable billionaire might well be our president-elect.
让伯尼o桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)来怎么样?迈克尔o布隆伯格(Michael Bloomberg)感觉到政治中心还有一块无人占据的领土,本来肯定应该加入战局,一个清醒得多也更有能力的亿万富翁可能是总统的好人选。
Democrats bungled a terrific opportunity to retake the Senate majority by ignoring the national mood as they picked their candidates. A party that prides itself on looking out for the little guy went with the biggest names it could find.
在选择候选人的同时,民主党忽视了整个国家的情绪,因此搞砸了一个夺回参议院多数席位的极好机会。一个以关照小老百姓为傲的党,选择了名气最大的候选人。
That happened in Wisconsin with Russ Feingold, in Indiana with Evan Bayh and in Ohio with Ted Strickland, all of whom were defeated by Republicans who couldn’t be tarred as insiders or as emblems of the status quo because the Democrats had just as much mileage on them.
这种情况包括威斯康星州的拉斯o费恩戈尔德(Russ Feingold)、印第安纳州的埃文o巴赫(Evan Bayh)和俄亥俄州的特德o斯特里克兰(Ted Strickland),他们被共和党候选人打败了,而这些共和党人都不能被视为内部人士或维持现状的象征,因为民主党的候选人们也相差无几。
Senator Rob Portman, the Ohio Republican, campaigned as the outsider and the underdog, and he ended up beating Strickland, the state’s former governor, by more than 20 points. Like Feingold and Bayh, Strickland could hardly claim the mantle of revolution.
俄亥俄州共和党参议员罗伯特o波特曼(Rob Portman),以局外人和弱势者的姿态参加竞选,最终以多于20点打败这个州的前州长斯特里克兰。如同费恩格尔德和巴赫一样,斯特里克兰几乎根本无法担当变革的重任。
In contrast, Democrats had success in a House district in Central Florida that didn’t initially appear to be promising turf by running Stephanie Murphy, a 37-year-old first-timer, against John Mica, 73, who had been in Congress for nearly a quarter-century. “Change” was Murphy’s mantra, and, like Trump, she used it to turn inexperience into an asset.
相比之下,民主党在佛罗里达州中部的一个最初不被看好的众议员选区内取得了成功,候选人是37岁、第一次参选的史蒂芬妮o墨菲(Stephanie Murphy),对抗73岁、在国会待了将近1/4世纪的约翰o米卡(John Mica)。“改变”是墨菲的口号,像特朗普一样,她用这个字眼把自己的缺乏经验变成一种资产。
A party that keeps the White House for eight years customarily suffers losses elsewhere, as if the electorate insists on some kind of equilibrium. That happened under Bill Clinton and again under George W. Bush — but not to the extent that it has happened under Obama.
坐镇白宫八年的政党通常会在其他地方遭受损失,好像全体选民坚持保持某种均势似的。这种情况曾经发生在比尔o克林顿(Bill Clinton)与乔治oWo布什(George W. Bush)任期结束之时――但没有奥巴马任期结束之后这样严重。
His presidency will end with Democrats in possession of 11 fewer Senate seats (depending on how you count), more than 60 fewer House seats, at least 14 fewer governorships and more than 900 fewer seats in state legislatures than when it began. That’s a staggering toll.
同上任之初相比,在他的总统任期结束之际,民主党的参议院席位将减少11个(取决于你如何计数),众议院席位将减少60多个,州长席位将减少至少14个,州议会将减少900多个。伤亡惨重。
While the 2016 race for governor in North Carolina remains undecided, the settled contests guarantee the G.O.P. the governor’s office in 33 states: its most bountiful harvest since 1922.
虽然2016年北卡罗来纳州州长的竞选结果仍然未决定,但在已结束的竞选中,共和党得到了33个州的州长:这是自1922年以来从未有过的丰收。
If Democrats don’t quickly figure out how to sturdy themselves — a process larger than the selection of the right new party chairman — they could wind up in even worse shape. They’re defending more than twice the number of Senate seats in 2018 that Republicans are, a situation that gives the G.O.P. a shot at a filibuster-proof majority.
如果民主党人不能迅速找到加强自身的办法――这是一个比选择正确的新任党主席更庞大的过程――他们可能以更糟糕的局面收场。到2018年,他们要在参议院中抵御人数是自己两倍还多的共和党,这种情况令共和党处于完全不会受到阻挠的多数。
Meantime, the perpetuation of Republican dominance at the state level through 2020 would grant the G.O.P. the upper hand in redrawing congressional districts after the next census.
同时,在州一级将保持主导地位直到2020年的共和党,在下一次人口普查后的国会选区重新规划中将抢得先手。
But new presidents typically get an electoral whupping after their first two years, and there’s every reason to believe that Trump will govern — or fail to — in a fashion that prompts one. Will Democrats respond in a way that puts them in the best possible position to deliver it?
但新总统通常在上任两年之后会被选民惩罚,并且有充分的理由相信特朗普对国家的治理(或者说无力治理)将促成这种失败。对此,民主党人能以一种令自己在反击中处于最有利位置的方式去回应吗?
That hinges on whether they can look as hard at the errors in their party as at the ugliness in America.
这取决于他们是否能够像严厉审视美国的丑陋一般,严厉地审视自身的错误。
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特朗普当选总统,Facebook起了什么作用
更新时间: 18:24:07 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
Facebook, in Cross Hairs After Election, Is Said to Question Its Influence
特朗普当选总统,Facebook起了什么作用
SAN FRANCISCO — Late on Tuesday night, as it became clear that Donald J. Trump would defeat Hillary Clinton to win the presidential election, a private chat sprang up on Facebook among several vice presidents and executives of the social network.
旧金山——周二深夜,当唐纳德oJo特朗普(Donald J. Trump)击败希拉里o克林顿(Hillary Clinton),赢得总统选举的形势变得已经很明显时,Facebook的几名副总裁和高管在这个社交网络上进行了一番私密聊天。
What role, they asked each other, had their company played in the election’s outcome?
他们询问彼此,Facebook对这场选举的结果起到了什么作用?
Facebook’s top executives concluded that they should address the issue and assuage staff concerns at a quarterly all-hands meeting. They also called a smaller meeting with the company’s policy team, according to three people who saw the private chat and are familia they requested anonymity because the discussion was confidential.
Facebook的高管认为,他们应该在每季度举行的全体会议上回答这个问题,缓解员工的担忧。看到这次私人聊天、了解这些决定的三个人说,高管们还召集公司的政策团队开了一个小型会议。由于讨论是保密的,这三个人不愿具名。
Facebook has been in the eye of a postelection storm for the last few days, embroiled in accusations that it helped spread misinformation and fake news stories that influenced how the American electorate voted. The online conversation among Facebook’s executives on Tuesday, which was one of several private message threads that began among the company’s top ranks, showed that the social network was internally questioning what its responsibilities might be.
在大选之后的这几天里,Facebook一直处在风暴中心,一些人指控它帮助传播错误信息和虚假新闻,影响了美国选民投票。本周二Facebook高管的这次在线交谈,是公司高层团队的几次私密讨论之一,显示他们内部也在质疑自己的责任。
Even as Facebook has outwardly defended itself as a nonpartisan information source — Mark. Zuckerberg, chairman and chief executive, said at a conference on Thursday that Facebook affecting the election was “a pretty crazy idea” — many company executives and employees have been asking one another if, or how, they shaped the minds, opinions and votes of Americans.
即使Facebook对外宣称自己是一个无党派的信息来源——董事长兼首席执行官马克o扎克伯格(Mark Zuckerberg)在上周四的一次会议上说,觉得Facebook影响了选举是“很疯狂的想法”——但公司的很多高管和员工都一直在询问彼此,这个平台是否以及如何影响了美国人的想法、观点和投票。
Some employees are worried about the spread of racist and so-called alt-right memes across the network, according to interviews with 10 current and former Facebook employees. Others are asking whether they contributed to a “filter bubble” among users who largely interact with people who share the same beliefs.
从对Facebook10名员工和前员工的采访来看,一些人担心种族主义和“另类右翼”(alt-right)米姆在整个平台上传播。另外一些人想知道他们是否助长了“过滤泡沫”,即用户主要跟信念相同的人进行互动。
Even more are reassessing Facebook’s role as a media company and wondering how to stop the distribution of false information. Some employees have been galvanized to send suggestions to product managers on how to improve Facebook’s powerful news feed: the streams of status updates, articles, photos and videos that users typically spend the most time interacting with.
甚至有更多的人在重新评估Facebook作为一家媒体公司的角色,想知道如何防止虚假信息的传播。一些员工已经积极向产品经理进言,建议如何改进Facebook强大的新闻订阅,即状态更新、文章、照片和视频的推送流,用户通常在这里花最多的时间进行交互。
“A fake story claiming Pope Francis — actually a refugee advocate — endorsed Mr. Trump was shared almost a million times, likely visible to tens of millions,” Zeynep Tufekci, an associate professor at the University of North Carolina who studies the social impact of technology, said of a recent post on Facebook. “Its correction was barely heard. Of course Facebook had significant influence in this last election’s outcome.”
“一个虚假的消息称教皇方济各(Pope Francis)——实际上他是难民的支持者——支持特朗普,这个消息被分享了近100万次,可能看到它的人有数千万之多,”北卡罗来纳大学(University of North Carolina)研究科技对社会影响的副教授泽伊内普o蒂费克奇(Zeynep Tufekci)谈到近期在Facebook上流行的一篇帖子时说。“对它的纠正几乎没有人看到。显然Facebook对这次选举的结果产生了很大的影响。
This image of Facebook as a partisan influencer and distributor of bad information is at odds with how the company views itself, former and current employees said. Chris Cox, a senior vice president of product and one of Mr. Zuckerberg’s top lieutenants, has long described Facebook as an unbiased and blank canvas to give people a voice. Employees and executives genuinely believed they were well-intentioned and acting as a force for good, these people said.
接受采访的员工和前员工说,Facebook作为党派影响力和不良信息传播者的形象,与公司对自身的形象塑造并不一致。Facebook产品高级副总裁、扎克伯格的高级副手之一克里斯o考克斯(Chris Cox)长期以来都将Facebook形容为一张公正的空白画布,让人们可以发出自己的声音。这些人说,员工和管理人员真的相信他们的动机是好心的,行为是向善的。
Facebook declined to comment beyond a previously released statement that it was “just one of many ways people received their information — and was one of the many ways people connected with their leaders, engaged in the political process and shared their views.”
Facebook之前的声明说它“只是人们接收信息的许多方式之一,也只是人们与领袖接触、参与政治进程和分享观点的许多方式之一”。该公司拒绝在这个声明之外再做置评。
On Saturday night, Mr. Zuckerberg posted a lengthy status update to his Facebook page with some of his thoughts on the election.
周六晚上,扎克伯格在他的Facebook页面上发布了一个长篇状态更新,其中包含一些他对这次选举的想法。
“Of all the content on Facebook, more than 99% of what people see is authentic. Only a very small amount is fake news and hoaxes,” Mr. Zuckerberg wrote. “Overall, this makes it extremely unlikely hoaxes changed the outcome of this election in one direction or the other.”
“在Facebook的所有内容中,人们看到的真实内容超过了99%。只有很少的假新闻和谣言,”扎克伯格写道。“总的来说,谣言扭转这次选举结果的可能性极小,不管是从哪个方向扭转。”
He added: “I am confident we can find ways for our community to tell us what content is most meaningful, but I believe we must be extremely cautious about becoming arbiters of truth ourselves.”
他还表示:“我相信我们可以找到办法,让我们的社群告诉我们什么内容最有意义,但我觉得我们必须极为小心地避免让自己成为事实的决定者。
The postelection questioning caps a turbulent year for Facebook, during which its power to influence what its 1.79 billion users watch, read and believe has increasingly been criticized. Almost half of American adults rely on Facebook as a source of news, according to a study by the Pew Research Center. And Facebook often emphasizes its ability to sway its users with advertisers, portraying itself as an effective mechanism to help promote their products.
选后遭遇的质疑让Facebook经历的动荡的一年达至顶峰,在此期间它可以影响17.9亿用户观看、阅读和选择相信的内容的能力,愈发受到指责。皮尤研究中心(Pew Research Center)的一项研究显示,几乎一半的美国成年人依赖Facebook作为自己的新闻来源。Facebook也经常向广告商强调它影响用户的能力,将自己描述成一套可以帮助他们推销产品的有效机制。
Inside Facebook, employees have become more aware of the company’s role in media after several incidents involving content the social network displayed in users’ news feeds.
在几起与该社交网络在用户新闻订阅中展示的内容有关的事件发生后,Facebook内部员工更清楚地认识到公司在媒体中扮演的角色。
In May, the company grappled with accusations that politically biased employees were censoring some conservative stories and websites in Facebook’s Trending Topics section, a part of the site that shows the most talked-about stories and issues on Facebook. Facebook later laid off the Trending Topics team.
今年5月,Facebook艰难地应对了一项指控——称该公司有政治偏见的员工在对Facebook“热门话题”板块的一些保守报道和网站进行审查,这一版块是Facebook展示被谈论最多的文章和话题的地方。后来,Facebook解雇了“热门话题”团队。
In September, Facebook came under fire for removing a Pulitzer Prize-winning photo of a naked 9-year-old girl, Phan Thi Kim Phuc, as she fled napalm bombs during the Vietnam War. The social network took down the photo for violating its nudity standards, even though the picture was an illustration of the horrors of war rather than child pornography.
今年9月,Facebook又因删掉一张曾荣获普利策奖的照片而饱受攻击。照片显示的是浑身赤裸的9岁女孩潘金福(Phan Thi Kim Phuc)在越战期间躲避汽油弹的情景。这家社交媒体网站删掉这张照片,是因为它超过了网站的裸露标准,尽管它生动地呈现了战争的恐怖,而非儿童色情作品。
Both those incidents seemed to worsen a problem of fake news circulating on Facebook. The Trending Topics episode paralyzed Facebook’s willingness to make any serious changes to its products that might compromise the perception of its objectivity, employees said. The “napalm girl” incident reminded many insiders at Facebook of the company’s often tone-deaf approach to nuanced situations.
这两件事似乎加重了Facebook的假新闻传播问题。多名员工表示,“热门话题”事件让Facebook不愿再对有可能损害人们对它的客观性看法的产品做出重大改变。“汽油弹女孩”事件则让许多Facebook内部人士注意到公司对微妙的情况往往不善分辨。
Throughout, Mr. Zuckerberg has defended Facebook as a place where people can share all opinions. When employees objected in October to the stance of Peter Thiel, a Facebook board member, in supporting Mr. Trump, Mr. Zuckerberg said, “We care deeply about diversity” and reiterated that the social network gave everyone the power to share their experiences.
在整个过程中,扎克伯格一直为Facebook辩护,称它是一个人们可以分享各种观念的地方。当多名员工在今年10月对Facebook董事会成员彼得o泰尔(Peter Thiel)支持特朗普的立场表示反对时,扎克伯格称:“我们非常在乎多样性”,并重申该社交网络赋予所有人分享自身经验的能力。
More recently, issues with fake news on the site have mushroomed. Multiple Facebook employees were particularly disturbed last week when a fake news site called The Denver Guardian spread across the social network with negative and false messages about Mrs. Clinton, including a claim that an F.B.I. agent connected to Mrs. Clinton’s email disclosures had murdered his wife and shot himself.
更近一些时候,有关该网站出现假新闻的问题迅速扩大。多位Facebook员工在上周尤其感到不安,当时一家名为丹佛卫报(The Denver Guardian)的假新闻网站在Facebook上到处传播有关克林顿的负面信息和假消息,其中包括声称一名与克林顿邮件泄露事件有关联的联邦调查局(FBI)探员杀死了自己的妻子后自杀。
On Thursday, after a companywide meeting at Facebook, many employees said they were dissatisfied with an address from Mr. Zuckerberg, who offered comments to staff that were similar to what he has said publicly.
上周四,在一场全公司会议结束后,许多员工表示他们对扎克伯格在会上的一段讲话感到不满,他向全体员工讲述了与他此前公开发表的评论类似的意见。
Even in private, Mr. Zuckerberg has continued to resist the notion that Facebook can unduly affect how people think and behave. In a Facebook post circulated on Wednesday to a small group of his friends, which was obtained by The New York Times, Mr. Zuckerberg challenged the idea that Facebook had a direct effect on the way people voted.
即便在私下里,扎克伯克依然抗拒Facebook会不恰当地影响人们的思维和行为方式的观念。在《纽约时报》掌握的于上周三在他的一小群朋友中传播的一条Facebook帖子里,扎克伯克挑战了这样一种看法,即Facebook对人们投票的方式有直接的影响。
In the three-paragraph post, the chief executive cited several statistics about low voter turnout during the election.
在这篇有三个段落的文章中,这位首席执行官援引了几个有关竞选期间投票率比较低的统计数字。
Then Mr. Zuckerberg wrote: “So rather than focusing on strengths or weaknesses in specific demographics, or other factors that may have pushed this race in one direction or another, these stats clearly suggest what many people have said all along. Both candidates were very unpopular.”
之后他写道:“所以,这些数据没有关注特定人口的优势和劣势,或可能将这场竞选推向这个或那个方向的其他因素,而只是清楚地说明了许多人一直在谈论的问题。两位候选人都非常不受欢迎。
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特朗普释放与“体制”和解的信号
更新时间: 10:27:48 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
Donald Trump Picks Reince Priebus as Chief of Staff
特朗普释放与“体制”和解的信号
WASHINGTON — President-elect Donald Trump on Sunday chose Reince Priebus, the chairman of the Republican National Committee and a loyal campaign adviser, to be his White House chief of staff, turning to a Washington insider whose friendship with the House speaker, Paul Ryan, could help secure early legislative victories, according to people involved in Trump’s transition effort.
华盛顿——周日,当选总统唐纳德o特朗普选择他忠实的竞选顾问、共和党全国委员会(Republican National Committee)主席雷恩斯o普利巴斯(Reince Priebus)担任白宫幕僚长,这位华盛顿圈内人与众议院议长保罗o瑞安(Paul Ryan)的友谊能帮他在早期确保立法方面的胜利。该消息来自参与特朗普交接工作的人。
In selecting Priebus, the president-elect passed over Stephen Bannon, the right-wing media mogul who oversaw his presidential campaign. If Trump had appointed Bannon, a fierce critic of the Republican establishment, it would have demonstrated a continued disdain for a party that Trump fought throughout his campaign.
选择普利巴斯,代表这位当选总统放弃了之前统管他竞选活动的右翼媒体大亨斯蒂芬o班农(Stephen Bannon)。如果特朗普任命共和党建制派的尖锐评论者班农当幕僚长,就会表明他依然鄙视这个自己在竞选期间一直与之争斗的政党。
Trump’s choice is certain to anger some of his most conservative supporters, many of whom expect him to battle the Washington establishment over issues like taxes, immigration, trade, health care and the environment. They view Priebus as a dealmaker who will be too eager to push the new president toward compromise.
特朗普的选择势必会激怒他的一些最保守的支持者,他们中的许多人期待他能在税收、移民、贸易、医疗及环境问题上挑战华盛顿建制势力。他们认为普利巴斯是个交易人,会太急于促使新任总统妥协。
In a statement Sunday afternoon, the transition team said Bannon would serve as the chief strategist and senior counselor in the White House. It emphasized that the two men would work “as equal partners to transform the federal government.”
交接团队在上周日下午发布的声明中表示,班农会担任白宫首席策略师和高级顾问。文中强调,两人会“作为改变联邦政府的平等伙伴”展开工作。
Bannon — the longtime chairman of Breitbart News, a site distinguished by its nationalist, racially charged, conspiracy-laden coverage — is likely to serve as a conduit to the populist right and conservative media outlets.
班农长期担任布莱巴特新闻(Breitbart News)董事长,这是一个以民族主义、种族主义和阴谋论色彩的报道著称的网站。他有可能担任右翼民粹分子和保守新闻机构的中间人。
The transition team appeared eager to ease concerns among Trump’s most fervent supporters over the selection of Priebus. To that end, the statement mentioned Bannon first.
交接团队似乎急于缓解特朗普最热心的支持者对他选择普利巴斯的担忧,因此在声明中首先提到了班农。
“We had a very successful partnership on the campaign, one that led to victory,” Bannon said in the statement. “We will have that same partnership in working to help President-elect Trump achieve his agenda.”
“我们在竞选中建立了成功的伙伴关系,一段带来胜利的关系,”班农在声明中表示。“我们将继续这段关系,竭力帮助当选总统特朗普实现他的议程。”
Priebus said he looked forward to working with Bannon and Trump “to create an economy that works for everyone, secure our borders, repeal and replace Obamacare and destroy radical Islamic terrorism.”
普利巴斯表示,他期待与班农和特朗普一起合作,“创造一个有益于所有人的经济,保障边境安全,废除和替换奥巴马医改,摧毁极端穆斯林恐怖主义。”
Priebus is expected to have multiple deputies, including Katie Walsh, the chief of staff of the Republican National Committee, who is close to Priebus and helped ensure a tight working relationship between the party’s operational infrastructure and Trump’s campaign.
普利巴斯会有多名副手,其中包括共和党全国委员会幕僚长凯蒂o沃尔什(Katie Walsh)。此人与普利巴斯关系密切,曾协助确保共和党各机构与特朗普的团队达成紧密的工作关系。
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为什么美国至今没有女总统
更新时间: 10:38:47 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
Over 70 Nations Have Been Led by Women. So Why Not the U.S.?
为什么美国至今没有女总统
LONDON — Hillary Clinton got closer than any American woman to the nation’s top job, but her loss this week has thrown a spotlight back onto the question: Why has the United States lagged behind so many countries around the world in choosing a female leader?
伦敦——希拉里o克林顿(Hillary Clinton)比任何美国女性都要更接近这个国家的首脑职务,但她本周的失败令下面这个问题重新引起关注:为什么美国在选择女性担任领导人方面落后于世界上的许多国家?
Tiny Sri Lanka became the first to shatter the political gender barrier more than a half-century ago, back when that island nation was known as Ceylon. Its giant neighbor, India, followed a few years later.
半个多世纪之前,小小的斯里兰卡成为第一个在政治方面打破性别壁垒的国家,当时这个岛国的名字还叫锡兰。几年后,它的巨大邻国印度也有了女性领导人。
Since then women have attained top leadership posts — president, prime minister or its equivalent — in more than 70 countries in Europe, Latin America and the Asia-Pacific. Today women run two of Europe’s most powerful nations, Angela Merkel in Germany and Theresa May in Britain. So why not the United States?
从那以后,女性在欧洲、拉美和亚太地区的70多个国家担任了最高领导职位――总统、总理或同等职位。如今,欧洲两个最强大的国家都由女性领导――德国的安吉拉o默克尔(Angela Merkel)和英国的特丽莎o梅(Theresa May)。那么美国为什么不行呢?
Historians have offered a range of reasons. Many of the earlier women’s pathways were eased because their husbands or fathers were autocratic or charismatic leaders first. Some were chosen via parliamentary deal-making, not direct elections. Others were initially tapped as temporary leaders.
历史学家提出了一系列理由。许多早期的女性通往最高权力的道路之所以顺畅,是因为她们的丈夫或父亲是独裁者或有魅力的领导人。有些女性领导人上任是通过议会交易,而不是直接选举。还有一些女性最初是作为临时领导上任。
Some scholars theorize that European democracies may view women as more suited to high political office because their governments are known for generous social-welfare programs, something that seems maternal. In contrast, the president of the United States is primarily seen as commander in chief, which is a frame more difficult for women to fit into.
一些学者表示,欧洲民主政体可能认为妇女更适合最高的政治职务,因为他们的政府以慷慨的社会福利计划而著称,这似乎更像母亲的角色。相比之下,美国总统更主要是被视为总司令,对于女性来说,这是一个更难以适应的框架。
“America is still seen as the policeman of the world, the guardian of the world, and we still have a very gendered version of what leadership means,” said Laura A. Liswood, secretary-general of the United Nations Foundation’s Council of Women World Leaders, a network of current and former female prime ministers and presidents. “Not only do we have to be liked, we also have to be tough.”
“美国仍被视为世界警察与世界的守护者,对于领袖的涵义,我们仍然有着非常性别化的观念,”联合国基金会世界妇女领袖理事会(United Nations Foundation’s Council of Women World Leaders)秘书长劳拉o里斯伍德(Laura A. Liswood)说,该机构是一个为现任及前任女首相及女总统设立的组织,&&“我们不仅要受人喜爱,我们还必须强硬。”
Sue Thomas, a senior research scientist at the Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation in Santa Cruz, California, said that unlike political leadership posts elsewhere, the U.S. presidency “is seen as a very masculine institution that for historical reasons is extremely hard for a female to approach.”
加利福尼亚州圣克鲁兹的太平洋研究与评估学院(Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation)的高级研究员苏o托马斯(Sue Thomas)说,不同于世界其他地方的政治领袖职位,美国总统“由于历史原因,被视为一个非常男性化的职位, 对女性来说,非常难以接近”。??
Gender was never far from the surface in the protracted presidential campaign, but experts cautioned against seeing the election as merely a referendum on the idea of a female president.
在漫长的总统竞选中,性别问题始终都在,但专家告诫说,不要将选举看作是对女性能否担任总统这一观念的全民公决。??
“It’s hard to build a generalization about women candidates based on Hillary Clinton,” said Timothy Garton Ash, professor of European studies at Oxford University. “She is such a special case and unique figure, having been around for so long. Did people vote against her because she was a woman or because her name is Clinton? Of course it could be both.”
“很难以希拉里o克林顿为基础,建立对女性候选人的概述,” 牛津大学欧洲研究教授蒂莫西o加顿o阿什(Timothy Garton Ash)说。“她是一个特例,是一个非常独特的人物,她已经活跃了很久。人们投票反对她是因为她是女人,还是因为她名字里的克林顿?当然可能两者兼有。”??
Still, many experts see an underlying bias that has discouraged American women from seeking political office, impeding the flow of potential female presidential candidates.
然而,许多专家仍然看到一种潜在的偏见,阻碍了美国女性谋求政治职位,也阻碍了潜在的女性总统候选人持续出现。
Even after the ratification in 1920 of the 19th Amendment, which granted women the right to vote, some states restricted their ri Oklahoma did not allow women to seek executive office until 1942.
甚至在授予女性投票权的第19修正案于1920年批准之后,一些州还是限制了她们成为候选人的权利;俄克拉荷马州直到1942年才允许女性谋求担任行政职务。
“What we have in the United States is a pipeline problem,” said Kathleen Dolan, chairwoman of the department of political science at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee. “Not enough women in the high-visibility, high-credibility offices. Not enough women running for school boards, county councils.”
“美国存在通道方面的问题,”威斯康星大学密尔沃基分校(University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee)政治学系的系主任凯瑟琳o多兰(Kathleen Dolan)说。“没有足够多的女性获得知名度高、信誉度高的职位。没有足够多的女性竞逐学校董事会、县议会的职位。”
The United States ranks 97th among 193 nations worldwide in the percentage of women in the lower house of Congress, according to data compiled by the Inter-Parliamentary Union. Six of the 50 state governors are women, as are 20 of 100 U.S. senators.
根据各国议会联盟(Inter-Parliamentary Union)编纂的数据,就众议院的女议员比例而言,美国在全世界的193个国家中名列第97位。
The earliest examples of female leaders in modern politics abroad — as in the United States — derived from family relationships.
与美国类似,在国外,现代政坛中最早出现的女性领导人都是借助家庭关系上位的。
Take Sirimavo Bandaranaike, that pioneer leader of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party. She got into politics after the assassination of her husband, and not only became the world’s first female head of state in 1960 but also served two more times, from 1970-77 and . (She is also the mother of Sri Lanka’s only female president, Chandrika Kumaratunga, who served from .)
以斯里兰卡自由党(Sri Lanka Freedom Party)早期领导人西丽玛沃o班达拉奈克(Sirimavo Bandaranaike)为例。她于丈夫遇刺身亡后开始从政,不仅在1960年成为世界第一位女性国家元首,还在年以及年两度重新担此重任(此外,她是斯里兰卡唯一女总统钱德里卡o库马拉通加夫人[Chandrika Kumaratunga]的母亲,任职时间为年)。
In 1966, Indira Gandhi became the first female prime minister of India, the world’s largest democracy. She was, of course, the daughter of India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. She held the office until 1977 and then again from 1980-84, when she was assassinated by her bodyguards. Four years later in neighboring Pakistan, Benazir Bhutto, another daughter of a former prime minister, became the first woman to head a Muslim-majority country.
1966年,英迪拉o甘地(Indira Gandhi)成为了世界上最大的民主之国家——印度的首位女总理。当然了,她是印度首任总理贾瓦哈拉尔o尼赫鲁(Jawaharlal Nehru)的女儿。她在这个职位上一直干到了1977年,随后又于1980年卷土重来,直至1984年遭自己的保镖刺杀身亡。四年后,在印度的邻国巴基斯坦,另一名前总理的女儿贝娜齐尔o布托(Benazir Bhutto),成为第一位领导一个以穆斯林为主的国家的女性。
Gandhi’s ascent is widely regarded as a seminal event in the history of women in politics. She displayed toughness in war, ordering the invasion of Pakistan in support of the creation of Bangladesh, and decreed martial law when unrest and charges of corruption threatened to topple her administration.
甘地的崛起被普遍视为女性参政史上一个有着巨大影响的事件。她曾在战争中展现出强硬的姿态,为了支持孟加拉建国而下令入侵巴基斯坦;她还曾在动乱和腐败指控有可能让自己领导的政府被推翻之际下令戒严。
Another stereotype-defying woman leader was Golda Meir, who was prime minister of Israel when war erupted in 1973. She was known for pithy quotes about women in politics. “Women’s liberation is a just a lot of foolishness,” she once said. “It’s the men who are discriminated against. They can’t bear children.”
另一位打破刻板印象的女性领导人是果尔达o梅厄(Golda Meir),1973年战争爆发时,她是以色列的总理。她以关于女性参政的精辟言论闻名。“妇女解放是一个非常愚蠢的说法,”她曾经说道。“男人才是受到歧视的一方。他们不能生孩子。”
Perhaps the best known modern female wartime leader was Margaret Thatcher, Britain’s prime minister, who was known as “the Iron Lady.” Europe’s first elected head of government, Thatcher ordered Britain’s military into war against Argentina in 1982 over islands that Britain called the Falklands and Argentina the Malvinas.
现代史上名声最大的战时女性领导人,是有“铁娘子”之称的英国前首相玛格丽特o撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)。作为欧洲第一位经选举产生的政府首脑,撒切尔曾在1982年命令英军对阿根廷开战,争夺被英国称为福克兰(Falklands)、被阿根廷称为马尔维纳斯(Malvinas)的群岛。
While Thatcher was reviled among Britain’s working classes for her economic austerity and conservatism, she was admired for her tenacity in the Falklands war, which the British won.
虽然撒切尔因其经济紧缩政策和保守主义风格遭到了英国工薪阶层的唾骂,但她在福克兰战争中的不屈不挠为其赢得不少敬意。那场战争以英国的胜利告终。
Female leaders followed across Europe, including Iceland in 1980, Norway in 1981, Malta in 1982, Lithuania and Ireland in 1990, France in 1991, Poland in 1992, Switzerland and Latvia in 1999, Finland in 2000, Macedonia in 2004, Ukraine and Germany in 2005, Croatia in 2009, Slovakia in 2010, and Denmark in 2011.
随后,欧洲各地都出现了女性领导人,其中冰岛是在1980年,挪威是在1981年,马耳他是在1982年,立陶宛和爱尔兰是在1990年,法国是在1991年,波兰是在1992年,瑞士和拉脱维亚是在1999年,芬兰是在2000年,马其顿是在2004年,乌克兰和德国是在2005年,克罗地亚是在2009年,斯洛伐克是在2010年,丹麦则是在2011年。
In Africa, women have ascended politically as peacemakers. The most prominent example is Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia, who shared the Nobel Prize in 2011 for her work in healing that country from civil war wrought by her predecessor.
在非洲,女性以和平缔造者的身份在政坛崛起。最突出的例子是利比里亚的埃伦o约翰逊o瑟利夫(Ellen Johnson Sirleaf)。她帮助治愈了前一任领导人给这个国家造成的内战创伤,因此与人分享了2011年的诺贝尔奖。
Although female leaders abroad are no longer rarities, men still far outpace women in politics: 22.8 percent of the world’s parliamentarians were women as of June 2016, according to the United Nations, up from 11.3 percent two decades ago.
尽管在国外由女性担任领导人已经不是稀罕事,但男性在政坛依然遥遥领先于女性:来自联合国的数据显示,截至2016年6月,世界范围内的女议员比例是22.8%,而20年前这个数字为11.3%。
Among the 193 member states of the United Nations, 18 women now serve in the top leadership positions.
在联合国的193个成员国中,有18个国家的最高领导人是女性。
“Executive positions are the hardest for women to crack,” said Thomas, of the Pacific Institute for Research and Evaluation. “That’s true in business, true in politics.”
“女性最难攻克的是领导职位,”太平洋研究与评估学院的托马斯说。“在商界和政界都是如此。”
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新西兰大地震引发海啸
更新时间: 10:40:39 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
New Zealand Struck by Powerful Earthquake
新西兰大地震引发海啸
SYDNEY — A powerful earthquake measuring 7.8 magnitude hit the east coast of New Zealand’s South Island just before midnight there on Sunday, triggering multiple aftershocks and tsunami waves and killing at least two people, officials said.
悉尼——就在周日午夜之前,新西兰南岛东海岸发生了7.8级强震,引发了多次余震和海啸。官员说至少有两人在地震中遇难。
Ministry of Civil Defense and Emergency Management officials warned people living near the coast to move inland to higher ground as tsunami waves raised seawater levels in some places by about six feet. Officials in Wellington, the capital, urged people to stay out of its central business district until the risk of damage to its buildings could be assessed.
民防和紧急情况管理部(Ministry of Civil Defense and Emergency Management)的官员警告说,住在海岸附近的人需要撤离到内陆高处,因为在一些地方,海啸波令海平面升高了约6英尺(约1.8米)。首都惠灵顿的官员敦促人们离开中央商业区,直到那里的建筑物受损风险评估结果出来。
Prime Minister John Key said the earthquake had killed at least two people, but he offered no specifics, Reuters reported.
路透社报道称,新西兰总理约翰o基(John Key)表示至少有两人在地震中丧生,但他没有提供具体信息。
“We don’t have any indications at the moment to believe it will rise, but we can’t rule that out,” Key said of the death toll, speaking to reporters in Wellington.
“目前没有任何迹象显示这个数字会上升,但我们也不能排除这一点,”基在惠灵顿谈到死亡人数时对记者说。
The New Zealand Herald reported that one of the deaths had resulted from a heart attack and that another had taken place on a historic homestead near the beach town of Kaikoura.
据《新西兰先驱报》(The New Zealand Herald)报道,其中一人的死因是心肌梗塞,另一起死亡事件发生在海滨城市凯库拉(Kaikoura)附近一处古老的宅邸。
“There are some reports of casualties in the Kaikoura area, but just exactly what the extent of that is is not yet reported,” Gerry Brownlee, the country’s acting minister of civil defense, told reporters. He said that the extent of property damage “will become clearer, I suspect, with daylight.”
“凯库拉地区的伤亡状况已经有一些统计,但到底严重到什么程度还不知道,”民防部的代理部长格里o布朗利(Gerry Brownlee)告诉记者。他说,财产损失的程度“我认为在今天白天会了解到更多”。
The earthquake struck about 50 miles southwest of Kaikoura and 50 miles north of Christchurch. Elliot Fim, a regional official in that city, said in a telephone interview that there were no reports of damage, injuries or fatalities. The fire department was dealing with a large number of emergency calls seeking assistance.
地震震源在凯库拉西南约50英里(约80公里),基督城(Christchurch)以北约50英里。基督城的地方政府官员埃利奥特o费姆(Elliot Fim)在接受电话采访时说,目前尚没有人员伤亡和财产受损的统计。消防部门正在处理大量紧急求助电话。
Fim said people living along about 200 miles of coastline had been evacuated. Some roadways and a building were reported damaged, but people had been able to move to high ground. A spokesman for the Wellington Region Emergency Management office said there were reports of minor damage in the capital city.
费姆说,海岸线上大约200英里(约320公里)内的居民已经疏散。一些道路和一座建筑物遭到了破坏,但人们可以撤离到更高的地区去。惠灵顿地区紧急事务管理办公室的发言人说,首都有轻微损害的报告记录。
Dan Jaksa, a duty officer from Geoscience Australia, said that if the small townships north of Christchurch did not have earthquake-resistant buildings, “it is going to be tough.”
澳大利亚地质局(Geoscience Australia)的值班员丹o吉克萨(Dan Jaksa)说,如果基督城以北的那些小镇没有抗震建筑,“状况会比较糟糕”。
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在世界经济低迷的情况下,投资人怎么办
更新时间: 10:50:44 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
BEIJING — Weijian Shan, chief executive of the Hong Kong fund management firm PAG, says the global economy is dangerous for investors these days. Years of easy money from central banks have helped inflate the prices of just about everything an investor can buy, like stocks or property.
北京——香港基金管理公司太盟投资集团(PAG)首席执行官单伟建说,全球经济状况目前对投资者来说有危险。中央银行多年来的宽松货币政策助涨了投资者能够购买的像股票或物业这样的几乎所有东西的价格。
“I think that clearly we are in an asset bubble,” Mr. Shan said in a phone interview from Hong Kong.
“我认为,我们明显地处于一个资产泡沫之中,”单伟建在香港接受电话采访时说。
So what should investors do? Mr. Shan recommended a return to the basics. His firm, with $16 billion under management in funds that specialize in fields like private equity and real estate, is looking for value in areas still growing in a sluggish world economy.
那投资者该怎么办呢?单伟建的建议是回到基础上去。他的公司管理着160亿美元的基金,善长于私募股权和房地产等专业领域,在世界经济低迷的情况下,公司在仍有增长的领域寻求价值。
“We are not chasing bubbles as many of our peers do,” said Mr. Shan, a former professor at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia. “I only want to look at the fundamentals. I want to know how much money this business makes.”
单伟建曾在位于费城的宾夕法尼亚大学沃顿商学院担任教授,他说:“我们不像许多同行那样在追踪泡沫。我只想看基础的东西。我想知道这家公司赚多少钱。”
In that, Mr. Shan is positioned well. PAG focuses mainly on investments in or related to Asia, where the fortunes of China, India and other countries remain buoyant even as the global economy sags.
在这点上,单伟建已经准备好了。太盟投资集团主要关注在亚洲或与亚洲相关的投资,尽管全球经济下滑,但亚洲的中国、印度和其他国家的发展趋势仍然保持旺盛。
“If you look around the world, Asia is where the growth is,” he said.
“如果你环顾一下世界,(你会看到)亚洲是增长的地方,”他说。
Mr. Shan said that China, where he was born, “is the most interesting market because of its growth.”
单伟建出生在中国,他说中国“是最有意思的市场,因为它仍在增长”。
But that growth has declined. In the third quarter, China’s gross domestic product rose 6.7 percent, in contrast with the 9 percent to 10 percent the country enjoyed for years. The downturn has intensified the struggles of what Mr. Shan called China’s “bad economy” — mainly manufacturing and heavy industries, which have too many factories and too much debt.
但这种增长的速度已经有所下降。中国第三季度的国内生产总值增长了6.7%,与多年来9%到10%的增长率有明显差异。经济增长放缓加剧了单伟建称之为中国的“坏经济”的困境,这主要是指产能过剩、债务沉重的制造业和重工业。
Mr. Shan, however, also sees a “good economy” in China. As the government tries to shift the country’s engine of growth away from investing in steel mills and apartment blocks, it is encouraging more private consumption. That is opening opportunities in areas that cater to Chinese consumers.
但随着政府试图将中国的增长动力从投资钢铁厂和公寓楼转向鼓励更多的私人消费,单伟建也在中国看到一个“好经济”。这种经济给迎合中国消费者的行业带来了机会。
“China has a split personality at this moment,” Mr. Shan said. But “the good economy remains quite resilient in spite of the bad economy.”
“中国经济此刻具有双重性,”单伟建说。“虽然坏经济仍然存在,但好经济保持着相当的适应力。”
Mr. Shan, who once served as a senior partner at the investment firm TPG, is focusing his money on companies that can benefit from China’s rising consumerism. In October, PAG’s private-equity arm invested an undisclosed amount in the Paradise Group, based in Singapore, which operates restaurants across China and Southeast Asia.
单伟建曾在美国投资公司德克萨斯州太平洋投资集团(TPG)担任资深合伙人,他正把投资的重点集中到能够从中国不断增长的消费中受益的公司上来。今年10月,PAG的私募股权部门对新加坡的乐天餐饮集团(Paradise Group)投了一笔未披露的资金,该集团在中国和东南亚经营饭馆。
In August, it spent about $250 million to acquire Golden Apple, which runs a chain of private schools from Chengdu, China’s western metropolis.
今年8月,公司花了约2.5亿美元收购了金苹果,这家机构在中国西部大都市成都经营私立连锁学校。
In its most prominent deal, PAG in April joined Apex Technology, a Chinese producer of ink cartridge components, and others in the acquisition of the printer maker Lexmark International, based in Kentucky, a transaction valued at $3.6 billion. The deal was appealing to PAG, in part because the new owners hope to raise the profile of Lexmark printers in the Chinese marketplace.
PAG最重要的一笔交易发生在今年4月,公司与中国墨盒组件生产商珠海艾派克科技(Apex Technology)及其他公司一起,收购了总部设在肯塔基州的打印机制造商利盟国际(Lexmark International),这笔交易的估价为36亿美元。这笔交易对PAG有吸引力,部分原因是公司的新股东希望提高利盟打印机在中国市场的地位。
Mr. Shan also wants to take advantage of some of Asia’s bad economy. With debt levels continuing to rise in China, PAG is developing a strategy for buying and profiting from bad loans at Chinese banks. He also says his firm has generated good returns from buying distressed debt backed by real estate in the region. PAG, which has 30 percent of its capital in real estate, is still sniffing around for reasonably priced property as well.
单伟建也想利用亚洲坏经济的一些方面。随着中国债务水平持续上升,PAG正在制定一个购买中国银行不良贷款并从中获利的策略。他还表示,他的公司通过购买由该地区的房地产作抵押的不良债务已经获得了良好的回报。PAG资产的30%在房地产,公司仍然在寻找价格合理的物业。
“We invest in real estate where the price is not out of whack,” he said.
“我们在价格不出格的地方投资房地产,”单伟建说。
“It is in times like this that you really can differentiate among investors who will be more focused on fundamentals,” he said, “who invests along with the rest of the bandwagon.”
他说,“在这样的时候,你才真正能把那些将更专注于基本面的投资者与其他那些搭便车的投资者区别开来。”
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《纽约时报》出版人及主编致读者的一封信
更新时间: 10:35:05 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
To Our Readers, From the Publisher and Executive Editor
《纽约时报》出版人及主编致读者的一封信
When the biggest political story of the year reached a dramatic and unexpected climax late Tuesday night, our newsroom turned on a dime and did what it has done for nearly two years — cover the 2016 election with agility and creativity.
当今年最重大的政治事件在周二晚间迎来戏剧化和预料之外的高潮,我们的新闻室也迅速作出应对,并做了近两年来一直在做的事——敏捷并有创意地报道2016年的这场选举。
After such an erratic and unpredictable election there are inevitable questions: Did Donald Trump’s sheer unconventionality lead us and other news outlets to underestimate his support among American voters? What forces and strains in America drove this divisive election and outcome? Most important, how will a president who remains a largely enigmatic figure actually govern when he takes office?
在这场古怪而难以预料的选举过后,无可避免地产生了一些问题:特朗普完全不循常规的风格和行为,是不是造成我们和其他媒体低估了美国选民对他的支持?在美国,是什么力量与压力推动了这场充满分裂的选举,促成了选举的结果?最重要的是,当一个难以捉摸的大人物成为总统后,他将如何治理国家?
As we reflect on the momentous result, and the months of reporting and polling that preceded it, we aim to rededicate ourselves to the fundamental mission of Times journalism. That is to report America and the world honestly, without fear or favor, striving always to understand and reflect all political perspectives and life experiences in the stories that we bring to you. It is also to hold power to account, impartially and unflinchingly. You can rely on The New York Times to bring the same fairness, the same level of scrutiny, the same independence to our coverage of the new president and his team.
当我们反思这个重大的结果,以及之前几个月来对此事的报道和民调的同时,我们希望再次承诺我们对时报新闻的基本使命。我们会诚实地报道美国和世界新闻,不畏惧、不偏向,在所有为读者呈现的报道中,始终力求理解和反映所有的政治视角和生活体验。这也意味着对权力开展问责,公正持平,坚定无畏。读者可以信赖《纽约时报》会用一贯地公平、一贯地深入调查和一贯地独立,去报道新总统与他的团队。
We cannot deliver the independent, original journalism for which we are known without the loyalty of our readers. We want to take this opportunity, on behalf of all Times journalists, to thank you for that loyalty.
没有读者的忠实支持,我们无法完成那些我们赖以闻名的独立、原创新闻报道。我们要借此机会,代表全体时报新闻工作者,对您忠实的支持表示感谢。
Sincerely,
Arthur Sulzberger Jr., publisher
出版人小阿瑟o苏兹伯格(Arthur Sulzberger Jr.)
Dean Baquet, executive editor
主编迪恩o巴奎(Dean Baquet)
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奥巴马的政治遗产及美国愿景岌岌可危?
更新时间: 10:25:57 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
Obama’s Policies and Broader Vision Face Reckoning With History
奥巴马的政治遗产及美国愿景岌岌可危?
As he raced across the country before the election, President Obama warned supporters about the stakes. “All the progress we’ve made over these last eight years,” he said, “goes out the window if we don’t win this election.”
总统大选之前,奥巴马总统在全国各地都向支持者们警告可能出现的风险。他说,“如果不赢得这次选举,过去八年里我们所取得的进步就会付诸东流。”
Hillary Clinton, his anointed successor, did not win, and so now Mr. Obama will find out whether his prediction was just campaign hyperbole or if his legacy really has just gone out the window. Not only are specific initiatives like his health care and climate change programs at risk, but so, too, is the broader vision Mr. Obama articulated for America.
他选择的继任者希拉里o克林顿(Hillary Clinton)没有赢,所以,现在奥巴马即将知道自己的预测是竞选中的夸大之辞,还是真的要看着政治遗产付诸东流。不仅他的医疗保险和气候变化等议案面临风险,而且他为美国所描绘的整体构想也是如此。
Suddenly, the progressive, post-racial, bridge-building society he promised has given way to an angry, jeering, us-against-them nation to be led by a new president who relishes reality-show name-calling with racial overtones. In none of Mr. Obama’s worst-case scenarios when he came to office was this the way he imagined leaving.
突然之间,他所承诺的那个进步的、后种族的、在鸿沟之上架起桥梁的社会,让位给一个充满愤怒、嘲笑与对抗的国家,由一个享受真人秀、嘴巴不干不净,还带点种族歧视弦外之音的新总统领导。当奥巴马上任之际,他为离任时设想过的最糟糕的情况,都比这要好。
Since the electoral earthquake that made Donald J. Trump his designated successor, Mr. Obama has consoled his team — and himself — by telling them that they moved the country forward despite this obvious setback. Change does not follow a straight line, he told crying aides. Instead, it tends to zig and zag.
一场选举地震令唐纳德oJo特朗普(Donald J. Trump)成为他的指定继任者后,奥巴马安慰他的团队说,尽管有这个显然的挫折,他们还是推动了这个国家的前进,这也是在安慰他自己。改变并不是直线发展的,他告诉正在哭泣的助手们。相反,它的道路往往是曲折的。
But Mr. Obama’s place in history looks considerably different than a week ago. The transformation he envisioned may not survive his administration. He is leaving near the peak of his popularity, yet many of the voters who made Mr. Obama the nation’s first black president chose to replace him with a man who had peddled racially incendiary suggestions that he might not have been born in this country.
但奥巴马的历史地位看上去与一周前相差很大。他的任期一旦结束,他所设想的变革便可能也随之告终。他的受欢迎程度在离任之时达到顶峰,但是许多令奥巴马成为这个国家第一任黑人总统的选民,却选择让一个兜售种族主义煽动言论,认为奥巴马可能不是在这个国家出生的男人接替他。
In some ways, this follows a pattern: Americans grow weary of incumbent presidents and often pick successors perceived to be the opposite. John F. Kennedy was the vigorous young antidote to the aging Dwight D. Eisenhower. The cerebral Mr. Obama was the antithesis of the bring-‘em-on George W. Bush.
从某些方面来看,这是符合某种规律的:厌倦现任总统的美国人,经常会选择被认为拥有相反特质的继任者。对于衰老的德怀特oDo艾森豪威尔(Dwight D. Eisenhower)来说,年富力强的约翰oFo肯尼迪(John F. Kennedy)堪称一剂解毒剂。理智的奥巴马是“尽管放马过来”的乔治oWo布什(George W. Bush)的反面。
“My operative theory of presidential succession is people always choose the reme they never choose the replica — even when the incumbent is popular,” said David Axelrod, Mr. Obama’s longtime strategist.
“关于总统之位的传承,我的核心理论是,人们总是选择能对现任总统做出补救的人;但从来不选择现有总统的复制品――即使在任的总统很受欢迎,”奥巴马的长期战略顾问戴维o阿克塞尔罗德(David Axelrod)说。
Given that, aides argued that Mr. Trump’s election should not be viewed as a referendum on the president. “It was not a rejection of Obama or Obama-ism,” said Dan Pfeiffer, another former senior adviser. “It was probably more about the two candidates running in this election.”
考虑到这一点,奥巴马的助手们认为特朗普的选举不应该被视为针对现任总统的公投。“这不是对奥巴马或奥巴马主义的排斥,”另一位前高级顾问丹o法伊弗(Dan Pfeiffer)说,“这可能同这次选举中的两个候选人关系更大。”
Critics said there was no way to look at it as anything but a rebuff. “The election outcome is a clear repudiation of President Obama, his policies, his vision, how those policies will be implemented,” said Eric Cantor, the former House Republican majority leader. “And frankly, I think it reflects the fact that most Americans think he failed.”
批评者则说,这样的选举结果只能被视为一种断然否定。“选举结果毫无疑问是对奥巴马总统乃至他的政策、他的愿景以及政策执行方式的否定,”前众议院多数党领袖埃里克o坎托(Eric Cantor)说。“坦率地说,我认为这反映了大多数美国人认为他已失败的事实。”
Indeed, Mr. Trump’s election imperils many of Mr. Obama policies, notably the health care law that has extended coverage to 20 million Americans but aggravated others who resented government intrusion and rising premiums. Mr. Trump has promised to scrap Mr. Obama’s international climate change agreement and Trans-Pacific Partnership trade pact, renegotiate his Iran nuclear deal, dismantle Dodd-Frank regulations on Wall Street and reverse orders sparing millions of illegal immigrants from deportation.
特朗普的选举的确危及奥巴马政府的许多政策,特别是医疗保健法,它将医保范围扩大到2000万美国人,但惹恼了那些憎恨政府干涉和保险费上涨的人。特朗普承诺废除奥巴马的国际气候变化协议和跨太平洋伙伴关系贸易协定,承诺就伊朗核协议重新展开谈判,废除约束华尔街的《多德-弗兰克法案》(Dodd-Frank Act),修改令数百万非法移民免遭遣返的条例。
But bold campaign rhetoric does not always translate into such clear-cut action. For instance, Mr. Eisenhower denounced Harry S. Truman’s foreign policy, only to largely adopt it after taking over. Along similar lines, Richard M. Nixon did not scrap Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, and Mr. Obama ultimately preserved much of Mr. Bush’s counterterrorism program.
但大胆的竞选言辞并不总能转化为明确的行动。举例来说,艾森豪威尔谴责哈里oSo杜鲁门(Harry S. Truman)的外交政策,但在接任后大体上沿用了这些政策。与之类似,理查德oMo尼克松(Richard M. Nixon)没有废弃林登oBo约翰逊(Lyndon B. Johnson)的“伟大社会”(Great Society),奥巴马也最终保留了布什的反恐计划中的许多东西。
Mr. Obama’s team hopes Mr. Trump finds it harder to shift course than he expected. Taking health care away from millions of Americans might prove problematic, Mr. Obama’s advisers said. In recent days, Mr. Trump has said he will keep elements of the program and find a way to ensure that Americans do not lose coverage.
奥巴马的团队希望特朗普发现,改变方向比他所预期的要更难。奥巴马的顾问们说,剥夺数百万美国人的医疗保健可能会造成问题。最近几天,特朗普说他会保留该计划的若干内容,并找到方法来确保美国人不会失去医疗保险。
Moreover, although Mr. Obama said that all of his progress would go “out the window,” advisers now argue the opposite: that many accomplishments cannot be overturned. He will be remembered, they said, for pulling the country out of the Great Recession, saving the auto industry, bringing home most troops fighting overseas, killing Osama bin Laden, enacting higher fuel efficiency standards and restoring relations with Cuba.
此外,尽管奥巴马曾表示自己取得的所有进展都将“付诸东流”,但其顾问现在却认为情况恰恰相反:很多成果都不会被推翻。他们说,他会因为带领美国走出大衰退(Great Recession)、拯救汽车业、让大多数征战海外的士兵回家、除掉奥萨马o本o拉登(Osama bin Laden)、推行更高的燃油效率标准,以及修复与古巴的关系而被铭记。
Still, after two midterm defeats, this was the third time since taking office that voters rejected Mr. Obama’s advice. He campaigned all out for Mrs. Clinton as no departing incumbent has in modern times, only to relearn the lesson that presidents cannot transfer popularity.
不过,自从奥巴马上台以来,在民主党两度品尝中期选举失利的苦果之后,这是选民们第三次拒绝奥巴马的建议。他以现代史上其他即将离职的在任总统从未有过的高涨热情,全力以赴地为克林顿拉票,结果再次得到了同样的教训:总统无法将自己的好人缘传递给他人。
And there is no getting around the fact that Mr. Trump’s America is not Mr. Obama’s. He has said one of his biggest disappointments was failing to heal the country’s divisions. Polarization now seems worse than before.
还有一个无法回避的事实:特朗普的美国不是奥巴马的美国。他说,没能弥合这个国家的分歧是最让他感到沮丧的事情之一。眼下,两极分化看似比以前更严重了。
Mr. Obama accepts only so much responsibility for that, faulting Republican obstructionism. He points to his early days in office, when he was heading to Capitol Hill to discuss the economic crisis only to hear that Representative John A. Boehner, the top House Republican, had already rejected the new president’s stimulus package out of hand.
奥巴马对此只愿承担一部分责任,并指责共和党从中作梗。他指出,上任伊始,他前往国会山讨论关于经济危机的问题,结果却只听到身为共和党人的时任众议院议长约翰oAo博纳(John A. Boehner)已经断然否决了新总统提出的一揽子刺激方案的消息。
“When I think about the polarization that occurred in 2009 and 2010, I’ve gone back and I’ve looked at my proposals and my speeches and the steps we took to reach out to Congress,” he told the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin in a pre-election conversation published by Vanity Fair. “And the notion that we weren’t engaging Congress or that we were overly partisan or we didn’t schmooze enough, or we didn’t reach out enough to Republicans — that whole narrative just isn’t true.”
“每当想到2009年和2010年出现的两极化现象,我都会回过头去检视自己的方案、演说,以及我们采取的旨在争取国会支持的举措,”他在大选日之前告诉历史学家桃瑞丝o科恩斯o古德温(Doris Kearns Goodwin),此次访谈被发表在了《名利场》上。“有人认为我们没有去做国会的工作,我们过分执着于党派纷争,我们没有想方设法地拉关系,或者我们没有尽量争取共和党人的支持——所有这些说法都不是事实。”
Instead, he has pointed to Republican radicalization. “I see a straight line from the announcement of Sarah Palin as the vice-presidential nominee to what we see today in Donald Trump, the emergence of the Freedom Caucus, the Tea Party and the shift in the center of gravity for the Republican Party,” he told Jonathan Chait of New York magazine this fall.
相反,他指出,共和党的极端化才是问题所在。“从萨拉o佩林(Sarah Palin)获得副总统候选人提名的消息,到我们眼下在唐纳德o特朗普身上看到的东西,“自由党团”(Freedom Caucus)的出现,再到茶党运动以及共和党重心的转变,我发现其中存在直接的关联,”他在今年秋天告诉《纽约》(New York)杂志的乔纳森o柴特(Jonathan Chait)。
Republicans, unsurprisingly, reject that narrative. Mr. Cantor, then Mr. Boehner’s No. 2, cited a now-famous White House meeting in those early days. In it, Mr. Cantor suggested his own economic measures only to be dismissed. “Eric, elections have consequences and I won,” he recalled the president saying.
共和党人自然会拒绝这种叙事。博纳担任议长时的众议院二号人物坎托提到了早期在白宫召开的一场现在已是人尽皆知的会议。会上,坎托就应该采取哪些经济举措提出了自己的建议,却遭到了无视。“埃里克,选举是有后果的,而我赢得了选举,”他记得总统当时说道。
Mr. Obama does not talk publicly about the role of race in the opposition to him, but it is cited by many of his supporters. Republican intransigence must be explained at least in part by race, they figure — a refusal to accept the legitimacy of the first African-American president.
奥巴马没有公开谈论过种族在自己受到的反对中所扮演的角色,但他的很多支持者都提到了这一点。他们认为,共和党拒不合作的强硬态度至少在某种程度上可以用种族方面的原因来解释——拒绝承认第一位非裔美国总统的合法性。
Yet lock-step opposition to Mr. Obama can also be explained by other factors, including political calculation and authentic philosophical disagreement. Mr. Obama’s opponents contend that he cites race to explain away valid criticism. His more virulent foes maintain that Mr. Obama is the one who fueled racial division.
不过,奥巴马遭到的此起彼伏的反对还可以用其他因素来解释,其中包括政治上的盘算和真正的观念分歧。奥巴马的反对者认为,他常常抬出种族歧视来无视合理的批评。他的一些更为刻薄的敌人则指出,奥巴马才是为种族分裂火上浇油的那个人。
Either way, Mr. Obama did not fully see the emerging threat. He dismissed Mr. Trump as a carnival barker and, like many in Washington, did not understand that much of the country was alienated enough to embrace such a figure.
不管怎样,奥巴马没有充分注意到新出现的威胁。他把特朗普斥为狂欢节上大呼小叫的揽客者。像华盛顿的不少人士一样,他没能意识到这个国家的很多人已经被疏远到了一定程度,宁愿张开双臂拥抱这样一个人物。
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