扫二维码下载作业帮
拍照搜题，秒出答案，一键查看所有搜题记录
下载作业帮安装包
扫二维码下载作业帮
拍照搜题，秒出答案，一键查看所有搜题记录
1. Sun Yat-sen
was the leader of the 1911 Revolution first suggested the idea of a dam across the Yangtze River in 1919.
作业帮用户
扫二维码下载作业帮
拍照搜题，秒出答案，一键查看所有搜题记录
l.B解析:who引导非限制性定语从句，先行词为Sun Yat-sen who在定语从句中作主语。
为您推荐：
扫描下载二维码Letter: A Brief Memoriam for the Yellow Flower Hill Uprising
Written by TonyP4 on Tuesday, March 31st, 2009 at 7:16 pm
Filed under: | Tags:,
Yellow Flower Hill Uprising could be the most significant event in our time. The following is written by Bai Ding, my high school classmate. I have his permission to publish it here. Bai is the descendant of one of the patriots. I bet this history event is written differently in China, Taiwan and even Hong Kong, so feel free to express your point of view. The two poems in Chinese are written by Bai.
————
A Brief Memoriam for the March 29 Yellow Flower Hill Uprising in 1910
It was almost a century ago, Dr. Sun Yat Sen led the Revolution that overthrew the Manchu Dynasty. In the course of Revolution, many heroes died. On March 29, 1910 (Lunar Calendar), the “Canton Uprising” ( 廣州起義) or more popularly known as the “Yellow Flower Hill” Uprising (黃花崗) in Canton was the most famous and gallant one. It was led by Wong Hing or Huang Xing (In Chinese, 黃興).
My grandma, who was the sister of Hu Han Min (胡漢民), and her sister-in-law 陳淑子 disguised as brides and smuggled weapons from Hong Kong for this uprising. The revolutionaries made the ultimate sacrifice for their people. The uprising turned into a catastrophic loss. Most revolutionaries were killed, only few managed to escape. Only 86 bodies were found (only 72 could be identified), and the bodies of others could never be found.
The ones that were found became known as the 72 Martyrs (七十二烈士). They were buried by a brave businessman in the Yellow Flower Hill (originally called the Red Flower Hill). The dead were mostly youths with all kinds of social backgrounds, students, teachers, journalists, rich merchants, and oversea Chinese. Before the battle, most of the revolutionaries knew that the battle would probably be lost, since they were heavily outnumbered, but they went into battle anyway. Their letters to their loved ones were later found. One named Lin Jue Min 林覺民 wrote a farewell letter to his young wife, which became the poignant, heartrending 別妻書. A must read in the old days.
But the defeat roused up everyone in China and on October 10th the next year, the revolution became an all out event.
Soon after the gun fired its first shot in Wu Han’s Yellow Crane Tower 黃鶴樓, the Republic of China 中華民國 was born. The day October10th was the original National Day for China, known as the Double Ten Day (雙十節).
The Yellow Flower 72 Martyrs’ tomb is in Canton. Although the Communist could not erase this part of the Chinese history, they tried. They have erased all the writings bearing the original name “Republic of China” or “Kuomintang” that were etched in the stone. Have they put them back by now?
And their tour guides never mention the most famous day of the Yellow Crane Tower.
We should never forget history but time has changed and so much of our history was distorted by the Communist. But I for one will not forget the truth. Even if I am standing all by myself.
燕丹賓客唱紅牙，痛說當年一著差。
遙對豐碑磨損地，零星涕淚祭黃花。
文章脊骨自經營，豪氣天生豈偶成？
惟恐終隨秋草盡，荒祠夜夜聽狐鳴。
— end —-
Admin, 11 pictures are being uploaded. Please free to use which ones you want to use.
These pictures have been taken on Yellow Crane Tower and some in memorial garden in Canton by TonyP4 during my trip to China.
There are currently 1 comments highlighted: .
Leave a Reply
Featured Posts
Open Thread
Select Month
April 2013 &(1)
March 2012 &(1)
November 2011 &(2)
June 2011 &(1)
April 2011 &(3)
March 2011 &(1)
December 2010 &(1)
November 2010 &(1)
October 2010 &(6)
September 2010 &(5)
August 2010 &(7)
July 2010 &(5)
June 2010 &(12)
May 2010 &(14)
April 2010 &(12)
March 2010 &(12)
February 2010 &(11)
January 2010 &(16)
December 2009 &(6)
November 2009 &(23)
October 2009 &(22)
September 2009 &(22)
August 2009 &(24)
July 2009 &(32)
June 2009 &(27)
May 2009 &(19)
April 2009 &(24)
March 2009 &(31)
February 2009 &(22)
January 2009 &(28)
December 2008 &(28)
November 2008 &(24)
October 2008 &(37)
September 2008 &(50)
August 2008 &(73)
July 2008 &(85)
June 2008 &(52)
May 2008 &(65)
April 2008 &(2)
March 2009
ClusterMapFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Mongolian Revolution of 1911 (Outer Mongolian Revolution of 1911) occurred when the region of
declared its independence from the -led
during the . A combination of factors including economic hardship and failure to resist Western imperialism led many in
to be unhappy with the Qing government. When a new program to colonize Mongolia with
and assimilate the natives was unveiled, it was met with resistance that resulted in a relatively bloodless separation from the Qing Empire. Many Barga and
chieftains assisted in the revolution and became the revolution leaders.
By the early 20th century, Mongolia was impoverished. Repercussions from the
() were primarily responsible for this economic deterioration. Loss of tax revenue from South China during the rebellion and expenses for its suppression had depleted the Qing treasury. Silver, rather than livestock as was the custom, became the primary medium for paying taxes. The major source of silver for Mongolians was from loans borrowed from Chinese merchants. These loans, transacted at crippling interest rates, were repaid in livestock, which was then exported to China. The result was a catastrophic decline in the size of the herds upon which the livelihood of Mongolians depended.
A disintegrating economy, growing debt, and increasing tax demands were ingredients of social and political unrest in Mongolia. However, it was Qing plans for the transformation of Outer Mongolia that produced the impetus for rebellion.
Qing dynasty, c. 1900
() was founded by the
in what is today
(also known as ). They were certainly not the first non-Han people to rule all of China, but the fate of these previous
had always been the same: and eventually they merged, more or less becoming Chinese themselves. Attempts were made to keep the Manchu strain ethnically pure, although these efforts proved fruitless. The early Manchu rulers enacted various laws to isolate Manchuria from
(Eighteen Provinces) and Mongolia. They did the same for the Mongols:
were prohibited from entering Mongolia and Mongols were not allowed to travel outside their own . Mongols were forbidden from speaking
or intermarrying with the Han Chinese. While over time enforcement waned, the laws still remained on the books, receiving at least token observance.
during the latter part of the 19th century changed political priorities in China. The Qing defeat by the Japanese in 1895 (), followed shortly afterwards by the German seizure of
and the "scramble for concessions" that followed dramatically proved the inadequacy of previous Qing efforts to resist the West. The , and particularly , were widely interpreted in China as the triumph of constitutionalism over autocracy. It was then that far-reaching economic, political, and military reforms, known as the "New Administration" or "" (Xin zheng), were ordered.
In Outer Mongolia, however, the New Administration was accented rather differently. The aim was not simply modernization, as it was in Han Chinese territories, but . Russia’s occupation of the
in 1898 and then of Northern Manchuria in 1900 confirmed the Qing government's fears of a larger Russian design on the entire northern frontier of their empire. The Qing rulers believed that survival of their state as an integral entity depended on the effectiveness of their frontier serving as a protective "shield" (in the language of the time) for China proper. To accomplish this, the peoples inhabiting this region would have to become Chinese.
Between 1901 and 1910, therefore, the Qing government inaugurated an expansive plan for Chinese colonization of the frontier and reorganization of its native governments (though the colonization of lands in
by the Chinese has started much earlier). A decree in 1910 abrogating the old prohibitions against Chinese settling in Outer Mongolia, Chinese and Mongols intermarrying, and Mongols using the Chinese language was the final step toward dismantling that wall of isolation that the Manchus had erected centuries earlier.
Jebstundamba Khutuktu
In early 1910 the Qing government appointed Sando (or Sandowa), a Manchu himself and former deputy lieutenant governor of Guihwa, as viceroy of Mongolia in the capital city of Urga (modern ), to implement the New Administration. He immediately set about organizing twenty offices to oversee such matters as the military, taxation, police, government and commerce. Plans were made for the colonization of Mongolia with Chinese farmers. In January 1911 a Lieutenant Colonel Tang Zaili arrived to supervise the organization of a Mongolian army, half of which was to consist of Mongolian herdsmen. A 400-room barracks was erected near Urga. The Mongolians saw in all this a threat to their very survival. Their desperation was echoed in a petition to the Qing government: "Among the many directives repeatedly issued, there is not one which benefits the Mongolians. Consequently, we all desire that we be allowed to live according to our ancient ways."
The arrogance and brutality of Tang Zaili’s staff and military escort did not help.
No more than a month after Sando’s arrival, a brawl broke out between some intoxicated
(Buddhist priests) and Chinese at a Chinese carpentry shop in Urga. Such incidents were not unknown in the past, but they had been firmly suppressed by Qing officials. This one developed differently. When Sando arrived at , the principal monastery in the city, to make arrests, the lamas pelted him and his troops with stones, forcing them to withdraw. Sando demanded that the
(variously spelled), the spiritual leader in Urga of the Mongolians, surrender a particular lama believed to be the ringleader of the incident. The Khutuktu refused and Sando fined him. In response, the Mongolians petitioned the Qing government to remove Sando, but without success.
Other incidents followed, all underscoring the diminished authority of Sando: A minor noble, Togtokh Taij, with a small band, had with the connivance of local Mongolian officials plundered several Chinese merchant shops in eastern Mongolia. Sando dispatched two detachments of soldiers to capture Togtokh. They were led into a trap by their M most were killed. Mongolian princes resisted providing soldiers for Sando’s army. And the prince of the khoshuun which Togtokh had raided refused Sando’s demand to pay compensation to the plundered Chinese merchants.
Prince Namnansüren
By the spring of 1911, some prominent Mongolian nobles including Prince
persuaded the Jebstundamba Khutukhtu to convene a meeting of nobles and ecclesiastical officials to discuss independence. The Khutukhtu consented. To avoid suspicion, he used as a pretext the occasion of a religious festival, at which time the assembled leaders would discuss the need to reapportion taxes among the khoshuuns. The meeting occurred on July 10 and the Mongolians discussed whether it would be better to submit to or resist the will of the Qings. The assembly became deadlocked, some arguing for complete, others for partial, resistance. Eighteen nobles decided to take matters into their hands. Meeting secretly in the hills outside of Urga, they decided that Mongolia must declare its independence. They then persuaded the Khutuktu to send a delegation of three prominent representatives—a secular noble, an ecclesiastic, and a lay official from Inner Mongolia—to Russia for assistance. The particular composition of the delegation—a noble, a cleric, and a commoner—may have been intended to invest the mission with a sense of national consensus.
Letter to foreign ministries declaring Mongolia's independence
The delegation to
brought with it a letter signed in the name of the Khutuktu and the “four khans of .” It asked for assistance against the Chinese, including arms, and implied that Russian troops would be needed against a Chinese unit which the Mongolians believed was at that moment advancing into Mongolia. To coax a commitment, the Mongols promised economic concessions in return. The letter itself was unclear as to the specific type of relationship the Mongols wished to establish with Russia. Russia wanted to include Outer Mongolia in its
offering protection from China and Japan, but never planned to make it a part of her empire. The Russian government decided to support, by diplomatic rather than by military means, not full independence for Mongolia, but autonomy within the Qing empire. It did, however, increase its consular guard in Urga to protect the returning delegation.
The Russian minister in Beijing was then instructed to inform the Qing government that the Mongols had sent a delegation to St. Petersburg complaining of Chinese immigration, military build-up, and administrative reorganization. He stated that Russia could not but be concerned about these developments, in view of the common boundary shared with Khalkha, and cautioned that China would have to bear the consequences if this warning were ignored.
The Russian Consulate in Khüree
On learning of the Mongolian mission to Russia, the Qing government instructed Sando to investigate. Sando immediately summoned the head of the Khutukhtu’s ecclesiastical administration (Ikh shav’), the Erdene Shanzav, and demanded an explanation. The Erdene Shanzav, pleading that he had not been involved, revealed the entire plot. Sando then demanded that the Khutuktu withdraw his request for Russian troops. The Khutuktu agreed, provided that Sando dismantle the New Administration. Sando cabled to Beijing for instructions, and was told that parts of the New Administration could be delayed.
The moment was ripe for conciliation. Sando chose to bully instead. He ordered the princes in Urga to sign a statement that only a few individuals had been responsible for the appeal to Russia. The princes did give such a declaration, but only orally. Sando then ordered the Mongolians to have no further contact with the Russian consulate, threatening in case of disobedience to bring an additional 500 troops to Urga and to arm the Chinese population in the city. He posted sentries around the Khutuktu’s palace with orders to bar Russian visitors. And he sent a contingent of troops to the Russian-Mongolian border to intercept the Mongolian delegation to Russia on its return.
Events of seismic proportions were then taking place in China proper. On October 10 there was an
and a revolution against the minority ruling class had begun. One province after another declared its independence from the Qing authority. Believing that his position was untenable, Sando wired the Beijing government asking for permission to resign, but his request was denied. In the meantime, the Mongolian delegation to Russia secretly returned, and reported the results of its trip to a group of princes and lamas. They composed a joint memorial to the Khutukhtu asking what Mongolia should do in lieu of the provincial uprisings. He advised that Mongolians form a state of their own.
Buoyed by the Khutuktu’s support and by the impending collapse of the Qing dynasty, the Provisional Government of Khalkha was formed, headed by some prominent
nobles. On November 28, the government ordered all four provinces (aimag) of Khalkha to mobilize a thousand soldiers each. Almost immediately 500 men from the neighboring khoshuuns had gathered in Urga. Two days later, Sando received a letter, signed in the name of the nobles and lamas of Khalkha, stating that they had heard of a secessionist movement in China, and that Chinese troops of the “revolutionary party” were preparing to march on Urga from Inner Mongolia. The letter went on to state that, in view of the benefit obtained by the Khalkhas from the Qing in the past, the Khutuktu had ordered the mobilization of 4000 troops to advance on Beijing to defend the Emperor. Sando was asked to provide these men with provisions and arms. He was given three hours to reply. No reply came. Abandoning this thin deception, a delegation of nobles and lamas visited the
office, and informed him of their decision to declare independence and to install the Khutuktu as emperor. Sando pleaded with the delegation. He admitted that what had come to pass was the result of his own folly, and he promised to recommend full autonomy for Mongolia, but not independence. The delegation curtly replied that it had come simply to deliver a message, not to debate it. Sando was ordered to leave the country within 24 hours.
There was little Sando could do. He had only 150 troops, who in any event were in a refractory mood because of arrears in back pay. On the following day, his soldiers were disarmed by Mongolian militiamen, as well as
of the consular convoy under command of , future . Sando and his staff moved into the compound of the Russian consulate for their own safety.
On 30 November 1911 the Mongols established Temporary Government of . On December 5, Sando left Mongolia with Russian escort. Chinese authority in the rest of the country collapsed quickly after that. Later that month or in January 1912 (sources differ) the Military Governor of
in western Mongolia, his staff and military guards, peacefully departed under the protection of Cossack troops. The Deputy Military Governor of , however, decided to resist, hoping for reinforcements from . The troops came too late: the town was surrounded by Mongolian troops, reinforcement detachment was crushed. In August 1912, his stronghold was overcome by Mongolian troops, and he and his staff were escorted out of the country by Cossacks.
On December 1, the Provisional Government of Khalkha issued a general proclamation announcing the end of Qing rule and the establishment of a theocracy under the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu. At the end of the month, on December 29, the Khutuktu was formally installed as the
("Great Khan", or "Emperor") of the new Mongolian state. This ushered in . While all , , Khovd, Huvsgul region, 26
of Ili region ( Oirads), 24 hoshuns from
29 hosnuns, 35 hoshuns from the Inner Mongolian 49 hoshuns sent statements to support Bogd Khan's call of , in reality however, most of them were too prudent or irresolute to attempt joining the Bogd Khan regime.
The Mongolian revolution was for the most part an orderly transference of power. Its relatively peaceful character was due to the realism of Qing authorities in Mongolia, and in no small part to the presence of Russian troops, who provided protection for these authorities and Chinese troops.
The role of the Russians in this revolution (and later in the revolution of 1921) has been controversial. Chinese historians especially have often explained the events of 1911 as the product of "Tsarist provocations and manipulations". This conclusion however contradicts with archival materials from Russia and Mongolia. The movement for independence in Outer Mongolia was to a large extent the reaction to the new Qing policies aimed at assimilating the Mongols by Han Chinese. Russian imperial government preferred to see Outer Mongolia as a buffer state against Chinese and Japanese influences on the Russian borders in , a dependent state or autonomy of China. The revolution also reflected a growing sense of
on the part of the Mongolians, and their desire to form a nation state, political and social forces that were at work in China at that time as well.
-Outer Mongolia
-Outer Mongolia
-Outer Mongolia
-Outer Mongolia
-Outer Mongolia
-, military leader
-Outer Mongolia, military leader
-Inner Mongolia
-Inner Mongolian Gorlos chieftain, battled against Chinese.
Sumiya - chieftain of Ili region (), he came in Mongolia with 271 people.
Hurleg -delegate of
Udai -Inner Mongolia, he wrote
-Inner Mongolian
chieftain, battled against Chinese until 1915.
Sh. Natsagdorj, Manjiin erkhsheeld baisan üyeiin Khalkhyn khurangui tüükh () [The history of Khalka under the Manchus], (Ulan Bator, 1963, p. 173.
A.P. Bennigsen, while traveling through Mongolia in 1909 to 1911, was told by Mongolians that their herds had decreased ten-fold during the past decade. Neskol’ko dannykh o sovremmenoi Mongolii [Some information on modern Mongolia], (St. Petersburg, 1912), p. 57. This is supported by the archives of the ecclesiastical administration of the Jebzundamba Hutuhtu (Ikh Shav’), which recorded a decline in the number of livestock from a million in 1861 to around 12,000 in 1909. D. Tsedev, Ikh shav’ [Ecclesiastical administration], (Ulan Bator, 1964), p. 91.
Thomas E. Ewing, Revolution on the Chinese Frontier: Outer Mongolia in 1911, Journal of Asian History, v. 12, p. 104 (1978). See also Thomas E. Ewing, Ch'ing Policies in Outer Mongolia , Modern Asian Studies, v. 14 (1980).
Chen Chungzu, Wai menggu jinshi shi [The modern history of Outer Mongolia], (Shanghai, 1926), bien 2, p. 5.
Natsagdorj, p. 261.
Ewing, p. 106.
Chen Lu, Jrshi biji [Reminiscences], Shanghai (1919), p. 179.
L. Dendev, Monglyn tovch tüükh [Short history of Mongolia],(Ulan Bator, 1934), p. 2; Sh. Sandag, Mongolyn uls t?riin gadaad khariltsaa () [Foreign relations of Mongila () (Ulan Bator, 1971), p. 244.
Batsaikhan, O. Mongolyn tusgaar togtnol ba Khyatad, Oros Mongol gurvan ulsyn 1915 ony Khiagtyn geree (). Ulaanbaatar: Mongol Ulsyn Shinjlekh Ukhaany Acad. Publ.
Die Internationalen Beziehungen im Zeitalter des Imperialismus [International Relations in the Age of Imperialism], (Berlin, 1931–40), s. III, v. 1.1, p. 405.
Die Internationalen Beziehungen, pp. 494–95.
Chen Lu, p. 185.
Internationalen Beziehungen, p. 495.
Dendev, pp. 19–21.
Chen Lu, pp. 185–86.
Sando went to Mukden in Manchuria, where he received a telegram expressing the emperor's astonishment over Sando's inability to control the Mongols. The Amban was removed from office, and he was ordered to await an inquiry into his conduct. Chen Chungzu, Waimenggu jinshi shi [The recent history of Mongolia], Shanghai, 1926; repr. Taipei, 1965), bien 1, p. 13. The fall of the Qing saved him from further embarrassment, or worse.
A.V. Burdukov, V staroi i novoi Mongolii. Vospominaniya, pis'ma [In old and new Mongolia. Reminiscences, letters] (Moscow, 1969).
Proceedings of the Fifth East Asian Altaistic Conference, December 26, 1979 – January 2, 1980, Taipei, China, p144
Some shops in Urga were looted and burned, but for the most part the Chinese were left unmolested. The departure of the Uliastai Military Governor was also peaceful. The storming of Khovd and the loss of life and property several months later were the exception.
On the establishment of the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, letters were sent to the Inner Mongols, the Barguts, the Oirats of western Mongolia, the Tannu Uriankhai inviting them to join in athe all-Mongolian state. Ewing, p. 116.
Ewing, pp. 117–18.